A “challenging” article!

By Joel Achenbach

Spaceship Earth enters 2012 belching smoke, overheating and burning through fuel at a frightening rate. It’s feeling pretty crowded, and the crew is mutinous. No one’s at the helm.

Sure, it’s an antiquated metaphor. It’s also an increasingly apt way to discuss a planet with 7 billion people, a global economy, a World Wide Web, climate change, exotic organisms running amok and all sorts of resource shortages and ecological challenges.

More and more environmentalists and scientists talk about the planet as a complex system, one that human beings must aggressively monitor, manage and sometimes reengineer. Kind of like a spaceship.

This is a sharp departure from traditional “green” philosophy. The more orthodox way of viewing nature is as something that must be protected from human beings — not managed by them. And many environmentalists have reservations about possible unintended consequences of well-meaning efforts. No one wants a world that requires constant intervention to fix problems caused by previous interventions.

At the same time, “we’re in a position where we have to take a more interventionist role and a more managerial role,” says Emma Marris, author of “Rambunctious Garden: Saving Nature in a Post-Wild World.” “The easy answer used to be to turn back time and make it look like it used to. Before was always better. Before is no longer an option.”

Although Marris is speaking about restoration ecology — how to manage forests and other natural systems — this interventionist approach can be applied to the planet more broadly. In his book “The God Species: Saving the Planet in the Age of Humans,” environmental activist Mark Lynas writes, “Nature no longer runs the Earth. We do. It is our choice what happens from here.”

The wilderness movements of John Muir in the 19th century and Teddy Roosevelt in the early 20th sought to draw boundaries between civilization and nature. The goal was to protect the biggest mountains, the deepest gorges, the wildest places, according to Douglas Brinkley, author of “The Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt’s Crusade for America.”

But after Rachel Carson published “Silent Spring” 50 years ago, detailing the ecological damage from the pesticide DDT, the movement began looking more at industrial pollutants and hazards to human health, Brink­ley says. Then, in the 1990s, climate change began to dominate the discussion.

This is a different planet in key respects than the one Carson was writing about. The fingerprints of humankind are now found on every continent, in every sea. Radiation from atomic tests can be found in sediments across the world, and the chemical signature of the Industrial Revolution, when coal began to power human activity, can be seen in ice cores drilled in Greenland. Earth is warming even as a growing human population is demanding more energy, using more resources, burning more fossil fuels and emitting more greenhouse gases. The challenges have scaled up.

As a result, some influential thinkers argue for a managerial approach to the planet that is short on sentiment and long on science and technology.

Ecologists, for example, have long bemoaned the invasive species that, stowing away amid the human cargo of the global economy, are reworking entire landscapes and overpowering many native species. The old approach would be to try to eradicate the invaders. The new approach argues that “novel landscapes” are here to stay and that humans may have to take direct action to relocate native species to stay ahead of climate changes.

One of the deans of technological environmentalism is Stewart Brand, who in the 1960s ran around with Ken Kesey and the LSD-gobbling Merry Pranksters. In 1968 he published the “Whole Earth Catalog,” which combined hippie sensibility with early computers and nifty gadgets. His catalog had a famous inscription: “We are as gods, and might as well get good at it.”

Brand’s philosophy was pro-technology amid a counterculture movement that often saw technology as an evil — as the source of pollution, industrial-scale warfare and nuclear weapons. Early on, Brand saw the personal computer as a source of individual empowerment and resistance to authority; he sponsored an early convention of computer hackers.

Brand, whose most recent book is “Whole Earth Discipline: An Ecopragmatist Manifesto,” advocates the use of genetically modified organisms and nuclear power, and speaks of “solar radiation management” through cloud-seeding and other forms of “geoengineering” as possible mitigators of climate change.

This isn’t green orthodoxy, obviously. Albert Borgmann, a professor of philosophy at the University of Montana who has written extensively on technology and the environment, worries about a possible overreliance on technology to fix problems that humans have made.

“It has to be done in a spirit of cautionary respect. There has to be some rueful recognition that the spirit of managing things has gotten us where we are. That same sort of arrogance — we control it all — can’t continue,” Borgmann says.

Beyond the philosophical questions are nuts-and-bolts issues about how people could intelligently manage something as complicated as the natural world. We might not be good at it.

A number of recent events have shown that complex technological systems are vulnerable to rare but consequential failures. The BP oil spill, for example, happened despite elaborate technologies and monitoring systems designed to prevent an oil-well blowout, or at least shut down a runaway well if the initial line of defense failed.

Investigators said that engineering decisions eroded the safety margin in an attempt to cut costs. But the technology wasn’t as robust as engineers thought it was.

Even more humbling was the March 11 earthquake in Japan. The earthquake wasn’t supposed to be possible. The seismic hazard maps showed that the maximum possible earthquake along the Japan Trench — the huge fault line where one plate of the Earth dives beneath another — could generate earthquakes up to magnitude 8.4. But on the afternoon of March 11, the fault broke and generated an earthquake registering 9.0, which was six times stronger than the theoretical maximum.

That misunderstanding of the quake hazard led to a fundamental error in the design of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant built on the seacoast. The plant was protected by a tsunami wall that could handle waves up to 18.7 feet high. The first wave after the earthquake was 13 feet high, and the second was so much bigger that it obliterated the tide gauge used to measure wave height. The biggest wave may have been as high as 49 feet, according to an investigation by the Institute of Nuclear Power Operations.

The tsunami knocked out the backup power generators at the plant, which in retrospect were located too low. Without electricity, the Fukushima plant couldn’t cool the nuclear fuel rods and fuel tanks, and a series of explosions and meltdowns released large amounts of radiation into the environment for months.

“The earthquake doesn’t tell us whether we should do nuclear, but the earthquake does tell us that we’re better off, if we’re doing nuclear, to have a good understanding of the world around us,” says Richard B. Alley, a Penn State climate scientist and author of “Earth: The Operator’s Manual.”

Author and activist Bill McKibben published a 2011 book titled “Eaarth,” which he proposes as the name for this fundamentally new planet, one that, in his view, won’t be as pleasant for human beings as the one they used to know and will require a new set of values and aspirations. McKibben’s view is of a world that is more decentralized in political power, energy generation and food production.

“The future should belong, and could belong, to the small and many, not the big and few,” McKibben says. Decentralization would help prevent small problems from expanding into societal catastrophes, he says.

Successful management of global environmental issues would require political leadership that McKibben, Brand and others say hasn’t materialized. Dealing with climate change, for example, “involves a level of global cooperation that has never happened, and the mechanisms for that are not in sight,” Brand says.

Nonetheless, he’s an optimist about human beings in general.

“We’re getting better,” he says. “We are getting far less violent, less cruel and less unjust, steadily for the last millennia, centuries, years and days. It’s a remarkably human accomplishment in basically domesticating ourselves.”

Brand would amend the famous “We are as gods” inscription of his 1968 book:

“The new version of that is, ‘We are as gods and have to get good at it.’ ”

The Washington Post Company

(NOTE:  the link to Physicians for Social Responsibility, L.A. takes you to a very good website.)

 Alaska Collaborative on Health and the Environment Statewide Teleconference Seminar Series

 
Science and Action to Protect Public Health: How Health Care Professionals are Changing Chemicals Policy  
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Presenter Dear Sandra,Join executive director of Physicians for Social Responsibility – Los Angeles (PSR-LA), Martha Arguello for a one hour discussion examining our broken chemical safety system and offering solutions to protect our health and the environment. Martha works at the intersections of health, the environment and social justice to advocate for effective policy change.

For the past 32 years, Martha has served in the non-profit sector as an advocate, community organizer, and coalition builder.  She joined Physicians for Social Responsibility- Los Angeles (PSR-LA) in 1998 to launch the environmental health programs, and became Executive Director in November 2007.  While working as a health educator in the 1990s, Martha had an epiphany — she realized that although early detection can prevent death from breast cancer, it does not prevent breast cancer, which has been increasingly linked to the exposure of environmental toxicants.  Since that realization, Martha has dedicated her career to the environmental justice movement, and has lectured nationwide on the use of precautionary principle policies.

To join this call: Email diana@akaction.org to join this free call and receive the dial-up instructions.
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Japan drops ban on military exports

Rule change will help stretch Tokyo’s defence budget further in response to China’s increased military spending

  • guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 27 December 2011 04.45 GMT
  • A submarine of the Japanese navy surfaces

    A Japanese navy submarine surfaces. Japan will relax its ban on military exports to make its defence manufacturers more competitive. Photograph: Franck Robichon/EPA

    Japan has relaxed its self-imposed decades-old ban on military equipment exports in a move that will open up new markets to its defence contractors and help it squeeze more out of its defence budget.

    The rule adopted in 1967 banned sales to communist countries, and those involved in international conflicts or subject to United Nations sanctions. It later became a blanket ban on exports and on the development and production of weapons with countries other than the United States, making it impossible for manufacturers to participate in multinational projects.

    The government’s security council agreed to the relaxing of the ban to allow Japan to take part in the joint development and production of arms with other countries and to supply military equipment for humanitarian missions, chief cabinet secretary Osamu Fujimura said.

    “The new standards [on weapons exports] are a result of the government considering measures that required attention amid recent changes to the environment surrounding international defence equipment,” Fujimura said, referring to rising arms costs that could put strain on the government, with public debt twice the size of its economy.

    The relaxing of the rules does not mean Japan will begin openly selling its military products to the world. Exports will be limited to strategic allies like the US.

    It could still allow companies such as Mitsubishi Heavy to join the development of Lockheed Martin’s F-35, which Tokyo picked last week as its next frontline fighter, planning to buy 42 machines at an estimated cost of more than US$7bn.

    “The regulations on weapons exports are based on the concept that as a pacifist country Japan should aim to avoid fanning international conflicts, and we will keep a close watch on exports,” Fujimura said.

    Although Japan is the world’s sixth-biggest military spender, it often pays more than double other nations for the same equipment because local export-restricted manufacturers can only fill small orders at a high cost.

    Removing the ban will stretch Japan’s defence purse further as military spending in neighbouring China expands. This year Beijing raised military outlays by 12.7%. That included money for its own stealth fighter, the J-20, which made its maiden flight in January.

    In contrast Japan’s defence budget has been shrinking in past years as ballooning costs for social security and servicing its growing debt pile squeeze other spending.

    (Scroll down to email I sent to journalist re “The Ally from Hell”.)

    http://www.cbc.ca/thecurrent/      Monday: CIA Drone Attacks in Pakistan

    A look at how CIA drone attacks in Pakistan’s frontiers strain an already volatile relationship between the U.S. and Pakistan.  (Text appended.)
    - – - – - – - – - – - – - – - -
    The second half of the programme is an interview with Jeffrey Goldberg, author of article “The Ally from Hell” in the Atlantic magazine.
    - – - – — – - – - – –
    EMAIL SENT TO JEFFREY GOLDBERG:
    SENT:  Mon 12/19/2011 2:18 PM
    SUBJECT:   re Interview today with Anna Maria Tremonti  (drones – Pakistan)

    Hello Jeffrey Goldberg,

    Further to your interview with Anna-Maria Tremonti,  the “drone-ification” of North America should be of great concern to Americans and Canadians alike.

     There are now drones along the Canada-U.S. border, as you may know. 

                   Ref:  www.sandrafinley.ca ,  go to the “Search” button in upper right corner.  Search on “drones”.  In particular, see 2011-04-24, 2011-04-22, 2009-02-18, 2007-12-12.

     Lockheed Martin manufactures drones.   LM was instrumental in the decision by Geo Bush to drop bombs on Iraq in an illegal war of aggression.

    In my hometown of Saskatoon, Saskatchewan  Lockheed Martin started with the Saskatchewan Indian Institute of Technology (SIIT) to work its way to the point where there is an Aviation Centre going in at the Saskatoon Airport.  It is to be a training facility for Lockheed Martin’s drone technology.  Ref: http://sandrafinley.ca/?p=594 

    It makes me angry that our young people will be trained to become part of this terrible technology.  Prior to your part of the CBC programme on the drones used in Pakistan, the excerpts I recall are “bodies scattered  … pieces of flesh”  (people can’t even claim the body) . . . “radicalizing”.

    Drones are barbaric behavior, it does not take too much sense to understand that “we” (Canadians and Americans) – - (Canadians now have “compatible doctrine” and “interoperability” with you) – -   are the ones creating the hatred in the world.  One would have to be heavily blinkered not to see it.  It’s what happens when you kill civilians.

    What is the drone programme in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan (of all places) about? 

     Saskatchewan is the gateway that is being well-oiled for tar sands expansion.  We are next-door to Alberta.  The activists there have been very successful in rallying international attention to stop the destruction.  So the deeds are being done through less-populated Saskatchewan.   Heaven forbid that we, too, become successful in stopping the plans of the military-industrial complex – - the U.S. military is already well-placed here, should there be “problems”.

     There is a two-fold plan:

    -        Tar sands development  (appropriation of oil and gas reserves)

    -        nuclear reactors to supply the vast amounts of energy needed to heat the tar

    The Saskatchewan public said “No” to the nuclear agenda.  The Government and industry are now working through and with the University of Saskatchewan to circumvent the public wish.   It is a story of money and corruption and propaganda.   

    I do not know to whom you are referring when you say “the ally from Hell”.   The U.S. military-industrial complex uses extreme propaganda and quislings to take what they want, and war when that doesn’t work. 

    Drones are another blight on the world.   It would be helpful if more Americans would join us in fighting the psychopaths.   

     Thankfully, most of us are sufficiently informed to see that it is not everyday American citizens who are behind the atrocities.   Otherwise I would be demonizing them, in the same way as people in other countries are demonized through western propaganda.   I repeatedly remind people who say nasty things about Muslim immigrants:  you bombed the hell out of their country.   Exactly where do you expect them to live now? 

    Sandra Finley

    Saskatoon 

    P.S.  The “President of the Americas” for Lockheed Martin, Ron Covais, told a Maclean’s Magazine (Canadian) reporter that they would not get what they want through legislative channels (democratic government) in Canada.  Hence they will use the bureaucrats and agencies of government to bypass the public will.  Ref:  http://sandrafinley.ca/?p=116 

    = = = = = = = = = = = = == = =
    APPENDED 

    CIA drone attacks & the explosive rift between U.S. & Pakistan

    The already hostile friendship between the U.S. and Pakistan is getting more uncomfortable. Tens-of-thousands of Islamists rallied in Peshawar and Lehore yesterday condemning the United States and denouncing a NATO attack. All this as Pakistanis along the Afghan border insist dozens of U.S. drone attacks this year killed civilians, not just combatants as the U.S. insists.


    Part Three of The Current

    CIA drone attacks and the explosive rift between U.S. and Pakistan

    In its war against the Taliban and its allies in rural Pakistan, the U.S. has a terrifying weapon. Death falls from the sky with almost no sound and, usually, with frightening precision.

    The remote controlled drones take the war to the front door of America’s enemies, and the U.S. believes it’s killed more than 600 militants with the missiles in the last year. But sometimes, the drones fall on the front doors of allies as well.
    It’s not known how many civilians have been killed by the strikes. The estimates vary widely.

    But Karim Khan tells us he knows at least two victims: his son and brother. Earlier this year, he filed a lawsuit for murder against the CIA , including its station chief in Pakistan. Karim Khan says his brother and son were killed by a U.S. drone attack on his house, and he is suing the CIA. We heard from him.

    Obaidullah Khan’s younger brother Kunar is suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder or PTSD, and is a patient at the Lady Redding Hospital’s psychiatric ward in Peshawar near the Afghan border. We aired a clip.

    Dr. Mir Alam Khan works at the psychiatric ward at the Lady Redding Hospital in Peshawar. He says Kunar Khan is not an isolated case. We heard from him.

    CIA drone attacks and the explosive rift between U.S. and Pakistan

    Rahimullah Yusufzai has lived in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan all his life, and is one of the country’s best known journalists.Rahimullah Yusufzai is the Editor of the Peshawar bureau of The News International. We reached him in Mardam, north of Peshawar, Pakistan.

    CIA drone attacks and the explosive rift between U.S. and Pakistan

    As we just heard, the US drone attacks in Pakistan’s tribal region have pushed the already volatile relationship between Pakistan and the U.S. to the edge.

    Jeffrey Goldberg is a national correspondent for The Atlantic. He is the co-author of The Ally from Hell, an article in the December issue of the magazine, Atlantic.
    He joined us from Washington, D.C.

    Related Links:

    http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/12/london-court-rules-us-must-release-pakistani-prisoner-from-bagram/250058/

    By Raymond Bonner  

    Lawyers and human rights activists here are successfully turning to the courts to staunch the erosion of civil liberties released by the Bush Administration’s war on terror

    A U.S. soldier walks above prison cells at the detention centre at the U.S. Bagram Air Base/ Reuters

    LONDON, UK — Civil liberties advocates have chalked up a surprising victory in what is tantamount to their war on America’s war on terrorism.

    Yesterday, a three-judge court here ruled unanimously that a Pakistani man who was captured in Iraq by British forces, who then turned him over to the Americans, must be released from Bagram prison, where the Americans have held him without charges since 2004. For six years, the prisoner, Yunus Rahmatullah, who was picked up at the age of 22, was held incommunicado — unable to contact his family, let alone a lawyer — until the human rights organization Reprieve took up his case.

    Reprieve described the court’s decision as “historic.” It is “the first time that any civilian legal system has penetrated Bagram, a legal black hole,” Cori Crider, the Reprieve lawyer who handled the case, told me. “Lawyers have never been allowed in the prison, which is notorious for torture and homicides and has been called ‘Guantanamo’s Evil Twin.’”

    In a deviation from the dry, legal language that marks the opinion, even the judges described Bagram as “a place said to be notorious for human rights abuses.”

    As in the United States, lawyers and human rights activists here have successfully turned to the courts to staunch the erosion of civil liberties released by the Bush Administration’s war on terror, which the Blair government joined. While the British government steadfastly denied that it had ever been complicit in the American program of extraordinary rendition–under which terrorist suspects were secretly spirited away, bound and gagged, to third countries where they were tortured–court cases have shown otherwise.

    In perhaps the most notorious case, Reprieve, representing Guantanamo prisoner Binyam Mohammed, sued the British government to obtain documents showing that Binyam, a British citizen, had been tortured (including having his genitals sliced with a razor) while in Morocco, before being transferred to Guantanamo. Binyam was seized in Pakistan, where the Americans alleged he was plotting to detonate a “dirty bomb” in the United States. The British Government fought hard in the courts to avoid releasing any documents, arguing that to do so would harm relations with the United States. The Obama Administration even went so far to argue that if the judges ordered the release of the documents, the United States might discontinue sharing intelligence with Britain.

    The judges weren’t cowed. Ultimately, Reprieve prevailed, securing Binyam’s release without any charges ever being filed against him.

    Along with several other former Guantanamo prisoners, Binyam sued here for damages arising out of their imprisonment, arguing that the British Government had been complicit. The men were represented by lawyers from several private firms. The government settled the cases for undisclosed amounts of money, but thought to be substantial.

    In seeking Yunus’s release, Reprieve lawyers relied on, and the Court accepted, the applicability of the Geneva Conventions and a bilateral agreement between the United States and Britain signed during the Bush Administration.

    The Geneva Conventions govern the treatment of prisoners of war. In addition to requiring humane treatment, the treaty requires that prisoners not be held indefinitely without trial. The Bush Administration cavalierly declared that the Geneva Conventions did not apply to their “war on terror.”

    It was a policy decision that alarmed most American military commanders, who rely on the conventions to protect their soldiers when captured.

    It also disturbed the British Government, which proceeded to seek a bilateral agreement with the United States, known as a Memorandum of Understanding. First signed in 2003, the MOU requires the United States to treat any prisoner turned over by the British to the United States in accordance with international humanitarian law. The MOU also required the “Accepting Power” (in this case the U.S.) to turn over any detainee transferred by the “Detaining Power” (the U.K.) upon the request of the Detaining Power. Stripped of legalese, the British were saying, It’s okay if you want to ignore the Geneva Conventions, but not for prisoners we turn over to you.

    The Bush Administration largely ignored the Memorandum of Understanding as well as the Geneva Conventions.

    So did the British Government under Tony Blair. For years, the Blair government swore that it had not cooperated in any of the CIA’s rendition operations, which saw scores of suspected terrorists picked up by American forces then rendered to third countries, where they were subjected to waterboarding and other forms of torture.

    Then, in 2009, a senior government official said in parliament that Britain had captured two men in Iraq in 2004, and handed them over to the Americans, who rendered the men to Bagram.

    The government did not name the men. Reprieve sued to get their names. The government resisted and prevailed in court. Reprieve began its own investigation, and last March learned that one of the men was Yunus.

    Britain still did not request his release, and the United States continued to hold him even though the Pentagon’s Detainee Review Board determined in June, 2010 that he did not pose a threat to the United States, and that same month Army Brigadier General Mark S. Martins ordered his release “as soon as practical.”

    It is not clear why Yunus was not released in accordance with this order. Nor is it known what the British and American governments will do now that the court has made its new ruling. If Reprieve’s success with Binyam and others serves as precedent, though, Yunus might indeed be released.

    © 2012 The Battles Suffusion theme by Sayontan Sinha