Sandra Finley

Feb 262019
 

How do I thank Matthew Behrens and rabble.ca for this contribution to all Canadians?   (besides sending them a donation)  May God and Allah all the Gods bless them!

Matthew Behrens

While the SNC-Lavalin scandal has torn another strip off the “sunny ways” prime minister, there’s another corporate scandal that makes the financial figures in that case — mere hundreds of millions of dollars in fraud and bribes — seem like pocket change. But no major political party will touch it, which speaks to the manner in which an all-party commitment to bedrock Canadian militarism squelches democratic discourse and strangles any opportunity for real economic justice

 

The corporate scandal you won’t hear about on the campaign trail is the largest procurement project in Canadian history, one that will result in forking over at least $105 billion in corporate welfare to war manufacturers for a completely unnecessary fleet of Canadian warships.

With every political campaign comes the costing question: how will modest investments in daycare, housing and pharmacare be paid for when Canada struggles with debt and deficits? But the question that will not be asked is whether voters want to mortgage their grandchildren’s financial future for a project that will line the pockets of Irving Shipyards and the world’s largest war profiteer, Lockheed Martin.

On February 8, the Canadian government awarded the design contract for those warships to Lockheed Martin. Even working from the false assumption that these warships are needed — no logical rationale has been provided — critics have pointed out that the design proposed by Lockheed Martin has never been built and tested; hence, any real sense of the cost (and such megaprojects have a way becoming sinkholes for billions robbed from the public purse) is conservative at the estimated $105 billion. Once committed, there is no way the government will say no when Lockheed Martin and Irving Shipyards call out for another $10-$30 billion in “unforeseen costs.”

In addition, the lives of Canadian sailors (which have never been a concern for those who order them into conflict from their safe bunkers in Ottawa) will be at risk as well. These megaships, with a limited life expectancy of 25 years, will likely be sitting ducks vulnerable to advanced warfare techniques that will be light years ahead of the eventual finished products. Indeed, as former Canadian navy commander Ken Hansen wrote in December 2018, by the time these warships sail the high seas, they will be essentially obsolete against high-tech weapons systems that remain the world’s most maddening annual investment.

Again, even assuming these are needed, what will Canada do after their 25-year life span is over? Spend another $105 billion?

The boondoggle that booted Wilson-Raybould

Canada’s warship boondoggles are at the root of the current political crisis swirling around the Liberals. When Trudeau removed Jody Wilson-Raybould from the attorney general’s office, he claimed it was a move precipitated by former Treasury Board president Scott Brison’s decision to leave politics. But Brison’s sudden disappearance from cabinet appears linked to the bizarre case of Vice Admiral Mark Norman, who was arrested by the RCMP for allegedly leaking cabinet secrets related to a Harper-era navy contract that went to Quebec’s Davie Shipyards, an Irving Shipyards competitor. It appears that Brison undertook a strenuous campaign to halt the Davie contract on behalf of Irving. He is expected to be called to testify at the Norman trial later this year, but says his resignation has nothing to do with that upcoming court date.

As that court case continues to proceed at a snail’s pace, efforts to receive further disclosure will likely unveil even more information about the corporate influence at cabinet level (which is standard practice in Canada, as we have witnessed in cases as diverse as the unending subsidies doled out to tarsands producers and companies like Bombardier, as well as the purchase of a $4.5-billion leaky pipeline last year and the $9.2-billion backstop of the Muskrat Falls megadam).  

While politicians of all stripes will express the usual consternation about corruption in politics, not a soul among them will focus on the new warship scandal. Unfortunately, the addiction to militarism that drives the NDP, the Liberals, the PCs and, in all likelihood, the Greens, will render this a non-issue in 2019 unless we make some noise about it. We saw this addiction in 2015, when Tom Muclair’s NDP refused to call for cancellation of the $15-billion Saudi weapons contract. It was a poor decision that prioritized political power games over the lives of Saudi women being tortured in Riyadh prisons and Yemeni children who die at a rate of 10 an hour.

In 2019, there will be no referendum on whether Canadians wish to take on a $105-billion debt that will serve no social purpose whatsoever. Yes, there will be some well-paying jobs in the shipyards, but the majority of the gravy will go to investors in war industries. Imagine that public investment being directed toward renewable energy, clean water in all Indigenous communities, affordable housing, free child care, truly accessible health care, guaranteed annual income support and programs, the arts, tuition, and all the other underfunded programs people need to live decent lives.

Canada’s contractor: Unending corruption

Part of the furor over SNC-Lavalin centres around whether a company can be an honest executor of government contracts when it has a high rate of scandal. The Transparency International group reports that even as maligned an institution as the World Bank has banned SNC-Lavalin and its subsidiaries for over 117 instances of corruption. SNC-Lavalin currently claims that it is in pristine shape because the guys involved in defrauding the Libyan people of hundreds of millions of dollars and spending tens of millions on bribes have departed the company. But SNC-Lavalin subsidiaries continue to make the list of banned companies as recently as October 2018, when the World Bank issued a five-year ban to four company branches. In January 2018, an additional five SNC-Lavalin companies were banned when the World Bank found them guilty of fraud and corruption.

But this is the way business has always operated. While SNC-Lavalin was successful in having Canadian law changed to try and protect itself from future prosecutions, the company that has received the Canadian warship design contract — Lockheed Martin — is the ultimate master class of corporate corruption.

The U.S. government’s Federal Contractor Misconduct Database notes that Lockheed Martin has been found guilty of misconduct in 86 instances since 1995. It’s an accepted price of doing business for war industries which can write off their penalties (Lockheed Martin received over $50 billion in U.S. weapons contracts in 2017, while the price for over two decades of bad behaviuor was a paltry $767 million in penalties).

Almost weekly, new misconduct claims arise. Indeed, a mere two weeks ago, Lockheed Martin was subject to a U.S. Justice Department complaint about false claims and kickbacks on a contract to clean up the devastated Hanford nuclear site in Washington State.

For those wondering about the due diligence undertaken by the Canadian government in choosing a company to design Canada’s $105-billion warships, it is quite instructive to peruse the readily available public information that Ottawa is quite happy to ignore in plowing ahead. The list of complaints against Lockheed Martin pursued by the U.S. Justice Dept. is massive. It includes failure to pay overtime, falsification of testing records, mismanagement of retirement funds, groundwater contamination, nuclear safety violations at the Oak Ridge plant, contract fraud, deficiencies in radioactive work controls, nuclear waste storage violations, violations of the U.S. Arms Export Control Act and International Traffic in Arms Regulations, the unauthorized export of classified and unclassified technical data, the failure to comply with requirements for safeguarding classified information, false and fraudulent lease claims, age discrimination, producing defective software on the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (a project to which Canada has maddeningly contributed over $500 million in corporate welfare), groundwater cleanup violations, Toxic Substances Control Act violations, overbilling and mischarging the government, wrongful deaths, retaliatory firings, PCB contamination, conspiracy to commit wire fraud, National Labor Relations Act violations, sexual and racial discrimination, procurement fraud, unfair business practices, nuclear reactor safety violations, emissions violations, and whistleblower retaliation.

Meanwhile, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission filed a lawsuit last September claiming Lockheed Martin “violates the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), which prohibits disability discrimination and retaliation for opposing it and requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations to individuals with disabilities unless it would cause an undue hardship.”

Profit from torture and nuclear weapons

Then there’s a little matter of torture, in which Lockheed Martin companies were found complicit early on during the so-called war on terror. Aside from the daily business of corruption, what Lockheed Martin actually produces — the world’s most dangerous weapons — would appear to be in complete contradiction to all the Trudeau/Chrystia Freeland talk of a rules-based order founded on peace and respect.

Lockheed Martin executives have spoken unabashedly in defence of the Saudi regime’s appalling human rights record. On June 23, 2016, the European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Defenders for Medical Impartiality, and the Arabian Rights Watch Association filed a complaint against the Boeing Company and Lockheed Martin for alleged breaches of OECD guidelines. The companies’ products were alleged to have contributed to human rights violations in Yemen by Saudi forces (last August, we learned, without surprise, that the missiles that murdered 40 Yemeni children was made by Lockheed Martin).

Perhaps it is also no accident that the Trudeau government’s expressed opposition to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons seems to have been developed in the executive offices of their favoured weapons of mass destruction contractor: Lockheed Martin, which continues to develop the most dangerous nukes the world has ever known. Indeed, the U.S.-based multinational produces the Trident II (D5) nuclear missiles (on average the equivalent of 25 Hiroshima bombs) for U.S. and U.K. arsenals, along with Minuteman III nuclear intercontinental ballistic missiles and the new Long Range Stand-Off (LRSO) missile. They are also a primary recipient of the trillion-dollar investment begun by the Obama administration in a new generation of nuclear weapons. 

As Forbes recently reported, “a single D5 equipped with multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles carrying nuclear warheads can destroy a small country such as North Korea. A handful of D5s could collapse the entire electrical grid, transportation network and information infrastructure of even the largest countries. And the Navy has hundreds of D5 missiles.”

Addicted to militarism

While Lockheed Martin is quite the loathsome corporate entity, Irving is no lovey-dovey Canadian boy scout in the corporate world, instead acting as a privately held company to squeeze as many dollars out of the public purse as possible. As the National Observer reports, Irving and its subsidiaries “don’t have to reveal any financial information to the public — including how much they receive in government handouts, earn in profits, pay in taxes or invest. They also don’t pay out dividends to shareholders — only members of the Irving family presumably receive the wealth.”

It was Irving that Scott Brison went to bat for in closed cabinet sessions that led to the arrest of Mark Norman. Meanwhile, the federal government and Irving teamed up to oppose a trade tribunal complaint that alleged the awarding of the warship contract violated a series of trade rules. In their defence, Canada and Irving argued that the warship contract is exempt from normal trade laws because they have invoked a  “national security exception” to keep the issue beyond the tribunal’s jurisdiction.

What happens next is entirely up to everyone who lives in this land known as Canada. Are we willing to face up to how our addiction to militarism kills, whether it’s the blood of Yemeni children being murdered with Canadian-made and exported weapons or the frozen bodies on Canadian sidewalks because Ottawa continues to invest the largest amount of discretionary funding into war instead of housing for all?

It’s certainly a question that will only be on the table if we place it there.

Matthew Behrens is a freelance writer and social justice advocate who co-ordinates the Homes not Bombs non-violent direct action network. He has worked closely with the targets of Canadian and U.S. ‘national security’ profiling for many years.

Feb 262019
 
Two articles pasted together:
– – – – – –  – –
God!  This is good!  Well stated, Terry Hicks.  Thank-you.

Terry Hicks, the father of former Guantanamo Bay prisoner David Hicks, has endorsed the SEP rallies on March 3 in Sydney, at the Martin Place Amphitheatre at 2pm, and on March 10 in Melbourne, at the Victorian State Library at 1pm, demanding the freedom of WikiLeaks publisher Julian Assange.

Hicks campaigned tirelessly for his son David’s release from Guantanamo Bay, where he was incarcerated by US authorities for five years on false terrorism allegations. In the face of mass opposition over the illegal treatment of the Australian citizen, the Howard Liberal-National coalition government in 2007, just before the federal election that year, made a deal with Washington to repatriate Hicks to Australia, but only if he pled guilty to “providing material support to terrorism.”

Four years ago, in February 2015, a US Military Commission Review Board overturned the “terrorism” conviction against David Hicks. It was further proof that the US-led “war on terror” and its associated crimes, which included illegal detention, torture and kangaroo courts, were based on lies.

                                                 ***

Statement of Terry Hicks on the Sydney and Melbourne rallies demanding freedom for WikiLeaks publisher and journalist Julian Assange
Terry Hicks

People everywhere must demand that the Australian government act to secure the safety and freedom of Julian Assange still inside the Ecuador embassy in London. He has been confined to the embassy for nearly seven years because Australian governments of every political stripe have hung him out to dry. They refuse to speak out in his defence or take any action to secure his freedom.

Assange has not committed any crime but is being punished because he is a serious and courageous journalist who has dared to reveal the political crimes and back-room deals that the US and other governments, including Australia, want hidden from their citizens. They are determined to prevent their dirty secrets being brought into the open.

We’re led to believe that the government will protect Australian passport holders, but I soon learned, when my son David was falsely imprisoned on bogus charges of terrorism in Guantanamo, that an Australian passport has virtually no value. Australian governments will only act if they are forced to or if they think there’s political mileage in it for them.

If Julian was a famous sportsperson and the government thought they could use him to promote their own international image, they would be bending over backwards to secure his release. But because they can’t use him this way and they follow whatever the US demands, they refuse to act.

When our family began the battle to secure David’s return to Australia we were loners and had no idea of what we could do. The media were hounding us and jumping up and down denouncing David. They said he was guilty, even before he was hauled before the so-called military court system in Guantanamo. It was difficult but we kept explaining that the military courts and the allegations against David were a load of rubbish.

You might get support from high profile people, but the fight to gain Julian’s freedom depends on ordinary people speaking out. You will win them if you explain the basic issues at stake, such as freedom of speech, freedom of the press and democratic rights, and you’ll be respected for your determination and your honesty.

Always remember that the story constantly alters for those who lie, but if you’re telling the truth then nothing changes, and the real story will eventually come out.

The Australian people have got to take a stand in defence of Julian Assange and understand that when they take up the struggle for his freedom, they are fighting to defend their own democratic rights.

= = = = =  =

With thanks to the World Socialist Web Site, for both these articles.

= = = = = = =

 

Australian teachers pass workplace motion endorsing Free Assange rallies
By our reporters
26 February 2019

The following motion was passed at a meeting on February 25 at Footscray City College in Melbourne. It was moved by a member of the Committee For Public Education (CFPE), which is actively promoting and campaigning for the demonstrations called by the Socialist Equality Party to demand the freedom of Julian Assange, including via its Facebook page. A leading member of the CFPE will be one of the speakers at the March 10 rally in Melbourne.

The WSWS and SEP (Australia) urge other workers to call for meetings at their workplace to discuss similar motions of endorsement.

That this sub-branch meeting of the Australian Education Union at Footscray City College endorses the campaign to free Julian Assange and supports rallies organised by the Socialist Equality Party to be held in Sydney at Martin Place Amphitheatre, March 3 at 2:00 p.m. and in Melbourne at the Victorian State Library on March 10 at 1:00 p.m.

Assange is being targeted for his leading role in WikiLeaks’ exposures of US-led war crimes, diplomatic intrigues, corporate and government corruption. We insist that the Morrison government extend to Assange the rights that should be available to him as an Australian citizen and secure his return to Australia with guarantees against indictment and extradition to the US.

Feb 252019
 

LETTER TO MUNICIPAL COUNCIL

Dear Members of Council and Staff,

 

I am trying to understand what’s going on.  This might be a bit blunt for you.

I am addressing a collective, not individuals in the collective.

Two things.

 

  1. REGARDING:

The Regulations that apply to the (  – – – ) are not hard to understand.   So why aren’t they being followed?  Is it because

  • You believe you can act outside the rule of law, that you are above the law?   To that, I would say:

Perhaps you have not studied democracy.  Or perhaps you are one of those who “gets away with whatever they can”.  It doesn’t matter.  The Rule of Law, which is to say democracy, means among other things:

The rules must apply to those who lay them down and to those who apply them – that is, to the government as well as the governed.  Nobody has the power to grant exceptions.

People must, of course, KNOW WHAT THE LAW IS, if the rule of law is to be upheld.

We citizens are in big trouble if we are ignorant, because then we are disempowered and at the mercy of bad actors.

We do not have the luxury of being ignorant, and we do not have the luxury of being complacent.

NOTE:   Canadians are currently sensitized to the Rule of Law because of the SNC Lavalin case and the corruption in Vancouver real estate and casinos.

 

  1. REGARDING:

Spending priorities, the Public Purse and the Public Good

  • It seems you believe that the failure to address water quality will not affect the ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT (tourism, property values). You are gambling, or do not have the skills, for assertively working with the Provincial Govt to get effective action on our offshore water quality (evidenced by the presence of cholera and chronic norovirus).

Let me dissuade you of the belief that failure to address matters of substance (offshore water quality) will not affect tourism and property values.

As water quality continues to deteriorate (because Council apparently deems it a low priority), the astute people will in time start dumping waterfront properties.  Maybe they start to worry about what their kids might pick up.  Maybe because they know that if it happened on the Great Lakes, it can happen here.  Maybe because they read,  and they read the June 2017  IISD Report:

Homes along the lake’s shoreline have dropped in value by more than $700 million. 

(in reference to Lake Erie, economic damage because of pollution)

Pollution of Lake Erie Causes $4B in Economic Damage

Some people have the ability to look down the road.

It just gets more and more expensive if you don’t actually DO something.  The risks for Lake Erie were known decades ago. . . .  Inadequate action,  incompetent people?  maybe we shouldn’t feel too sorry for those who are the last ones to buy into the real estate?   They didn’t know that no one was looking after the water.   A real estate agent isn’t going to tell them about the cholera and noro-virus.

 

The damnable part of it:  we will ALL lose in the end.

Turns out we are inter-dependent.  My neighbour might be dependent on me to speak up.

Perhaps you think that the nature of the water quality  will not become more widely known?  In that event, you are gambling.  We are arrived at the point of chronic norovirus (a trend of earlier in the season, and more, reports of norovirus).   The trend was punctuated last year with cholera.

You are gambling that the trend-line isn’t a trend-line – –  something more serious is not going to happen and be spread across the newscasts.  The last norovirus outbreak, cases in Ontario and Alberta, was traced back to the Salish Sea (oysters – – not far from here).  That got pretty good coverage in Canada.  You think that locals aren’t going to start getting upset, municipal governments doing nothing to apply pressure to “get with it”?

Or maybe you don’t care if Homes along the shoreline drop in value by more than ($??) millions?  Maybe you don’t understand that there will be implications for everyone in Town?

Someone else” is not going to develop a strategy to address the quality of our offshore water. The Provincial Government is not going to work with itself, saying “Oh, those poor people, we need to help them.”

We need all the money and brains we have to address fundamental and critical problems.

Our water is our responsibility;  if you don’t want to serve this critical public interest, then the citizens made a poor choice on their ballots.   May be you didn’t understand what your role is.

I understand that cronyism is corruption, it is the diversion of resources (time, money, effort, . . . priorities)  away from the public need into personal pockets.

Respectfully submitted,

 

 

Feb 252019
 

Return to INDEX

TOPICS:   First In Time, First In Right (FITFIR),  Water licenses, Cash-for-water-rights, CrossIron Mills, Nestle, Okotoks, Sheep River,
Bob Sandford, UN Water for Life Decade, Cdn Myth of limitless abundant water,  Water market, Irrigation Districts, some History, over-allocation
– – – – – – –
EXCERPT: 
Our current system entrusts a public wealth into the private hands of self-interested parties
who will try hard to skinny out of these conditions with the promise they’ll get to all these things after a market is created,” he cautions.
“If that’s allowed to happen, then it’s all over. Your children will have to live with the mismanagement of their water.”
Cash Flow Buying and selling priceless water

By Lynn Martel

Alberta is Canada’s driest province. That’s not obvious, however, as I cruise the corridors of the province’s newest mega-mall, CrossIron Mills. Touted as a “celebration of all things Alberta,” the Balzac landmark is replete with Hollywood-set-style faux village architecture, including ornamental balconies, while its showcase Bass Pro Shops outlet features waterfalls tumbling over manufactured rock into a 24,000-gallon pond stocked with live trout. 

Covering 700 acres with 200 shops and parking for 6,300—half the population of my hometown of Canmore—this mall is a spectacular testimony to how much effort western culture expends on stuff people don’t really need, and ultimately to the vast resources we waste. 

Beyond its massive size, however, CrossIron Mills has another distinction—the first large-scale cash-for-water-rights transfer in the province of Alberta. In 2008, facing fast-growing demand for a fast-shrinking resource, Alberta made it possible for anyone who holds a water licence—typically municipalities, irrigation districts, industry and rural landowners—to sell their access to water to anyone else, subject to certain conditions. Properly structured water markets, proponents argue, encourage conservation and raise appreciation of the resource by attaching a higher price to water use. Critics, however, counter that Alberta has taken the first steps toward a market system that distributes water based on one’s ability to pay.

Back home in the Rockies, I discuss the larger issues over a beer with my neighbour Bob Sandford, who’s also the Canadian partnership chair for the UN Water for Life Decade. “We need a new water ethic in this country,” he agrees. “Given that Albertans live on the dry side of the Rockies, we should be doing everything we can to dispel the myth of limitless water abundance. If you live in the West, it should be a condition of residence that you know how valuable water is and how scarcity affects us all.”

Water scarcity is a reality Albertans are bound to learn one way or another, and probably sooner rather than later. The question remains, though, whether a water market will make the problem worse—or help us appreciate the value of the resource before we’re high and dry.

Proponents argue that water markets encourage conservation. Critics say markets distribute water based on one’s ability to pay.

The southern half of Alberta, where 88 per cent of the province’s 3.8 million people live, has only 13 per cent of its freshwater resources. Alberta’s real water supply is inconveniently located in the far north. And in the south, river flow is highly variable from one season to the next.

Since 1894 rights to water use in Alberta have been granted through a system common in much of the US and Canada’s West known as “prior allocation,” or “first-in-time, first-in-right”—FITFIR. First rights to water go to the licence holder with the oldest stamp on their licence, known as a senior licence. The amount of water to which all licensees are entitled is decided annually and parcelled out among them. The licence sets the parameters for how much, when, where and for what purpose water can be withdrawn or diverted. 

Alberta Environment oversees the issuing of water licences to municipalities, corporations, individuals and organizations, including the province’s 13 irrigation districts (all of which are in southern Alberta), which in turn allocate water to irrigators based on their acreage. Since 1894 some 20,000 licences to use water have been issued. Three quarters of all the water allocated in Alberta’s southern river systems is spoken for by fewer than 20 licensees. The biggest water user in the province is irrigated agriculture: 72 per cent of the water drawn from the South Saskatchewan basin, for example, is for irrigation, while municipal use comprises 14 per cent. Licensees pay a one-time fee at the time of application based on the volume of water involved. 

By 1991 the Alberta government realized that with our bulging population, the Water Resources Act, passed in 1931, needed to be replaced. The new Water Act was proclaimed in 1996, just in time for a severe and prolonged drought at the turn of the millennium. The drought raised further concerns about water management in Alberta. As a result, the province launched its “Water for Life” sustainability strategy in 2003, updating it in 2008. The new Water Act, bolstered by the “Water for Life” efforts, protects a withdrawal of up to 1,250 m3 per household annually across Alberta for domestic use as a statutory right trumping all other uses. 

News of the government’s “active” pursuit of a water market—and private discussion with Nestle—caught many Albertans off guard.

While the new Water Act continued the practice of having water rights run with the land, it made Alberta the first province in Canada to introduce the ability for a licensee to transfer all or part of their allocation on a temporary or permanent basis. The water, however, couldn’t be a new allocation, only an unused portion of an existing licence. The licence holder had to demonstrate how their actions resulted in a reduced need for water (surplus water that had never been used couldn’t be sold). Applicants could only obtain water if they demonstrated a need for it. Water couldn’t be transferred out of province.

 Terms could be negotiated between seller and buyer, but transfers had to be authorized through a water management plan or by provincial cabinet. Before long, however, pressure to accommodate changes led the Stelmach cabinet to remove obstacles to transfers in areas of “most need.” The government authorized Alberta Environment’s water policy director to consider applications within the entire South Saskatchewan River basin. 

The market for Albertans to buy, sell or trade water licences was officially opened. For now, however, the South Saskatchewan is the only basin in which water can be transferred; the other basins still have sufficient annual flow to allow new water licences. With the exception of the CrossIron Mills-inspired transfer, the 26 transfers that have taken place thus far have been small-scale. The first two were negotiated between the United Irrigation District (UID) and the villages of Glenwood and Hillspring in 2003, with both villages wanting to use the UID’s water on their lawns and gardens. While some saw this as a more efficient allocation of resources, the water-savvy among us will argue that brilliant green lawns are not native to southern Alberta and suck up more water than a swimming pool. Colourful seasonal gardens, however, are going to be the least of anyone’s concerns as climate change raises the earth’s temperature on a global scale and water shortages become more commonplace.

The likelihood of an increasingly dry Alberta is not on enough people’s radars. Canada generally is regarded globally as a “water waster.” The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development has described Canada’s water as “cheaper than dirt.” Throughout the province and across the country, municipal water fees often don’t even cover the costs of the treatment, distribution and management programs necessary to ensure we can fill our glasses from the kitchen tap. 

When Ivanhoe Cambridge—the developer of CrossIron Mills—saw its $495-million project approved in 2006, it still hadn’t figured out where its water would come from. Rocky View county applied to the province for a water licence for the Bow River, enough water to service the mega-mall on an annual basis well into the foreseeable future. But before the application could be processed, the province halted all new allocations from the South Saskatchewan River basin. The basin—which encompasses the Bow, Oldman, Red Deer and South Saskatchewan rivers—would no longer support any new licences, except on the Red Deer River. The water supply for the fastest-growing region of the province was officially overallocated. 

After requests to obtain water from the City of Calgary and the Town of Drumheller (on the Red Deer River) were denied, Rocky View turned to the Western Irrigation District (WID). Formed in 1944, the well-organized group of farmers holds licences to withdraw water from the Bow that date back a century to when the federal government granted land to the CPR in exchange for building the cross-country railway. The CPR constructed a sophisticated network of gravity-fed irrigation canals and reservoirs, beginning with a diversion weir across the Bow at Calgary in 1904. After the economy collapsed in 1929, the CPR sought to dump the two irrigation districts that had been developed, resulting in the formation of the Eastern Irrigation District in 1935 and the WID nine years later.

The WID board and members voted in favour of the CrossIron transfer and awaited approval from the province. In exchange for the licence to withdraw up to 2,220,268 m3 of water annually from the Bow, Rocky View county would contribute $15-million toward a capital project to replace a section of the WID canal with a pipeline. With the infrastructure upgrades promising increased conservation, and the water transfer sufficient to exceed CrossIron’s needs, the agreement was touted as a win-win for the WID, Rocky View, the public interest, the environment and regional economic growth. 

As CrossIron’s 18 km of walls were raised, however, so were questions about how the province, in permitting the deal, might be allowing a privileged few to benefit financially from their long-held water licences. After all, the WID doesn’t own the water that flows through its irrigation canals and pipes—the resource is under provincial authority—and yet was able to enter into negotiations to sell access to it. 

Before the agreement was finalized, Westridge Utilities, the largest water provider in the county, submitted an appeal to the Environmental Appeals Board. The deal established water as a commodity, Westridge argued. It therefore created the potential for speculation and could force others requiring additional or new water allocations to participate in a “market” that had no clear pricing structure. Westridge claimed that it was an affected third party, and that the board was obliged to consider the appeal as per the province’s Water Act and the South Saskatchewan River basin management plan. The board replied that since there would be no change in Westridge’s priority right to water, there would be no direct effect. The commodification concern was ignored, and the appeal was dismissed. Alberta Environment approved the transfer in September 2007.

University of Alberta water economist Vic Adamowicz argues that the WID/Rocky View licence transfer represents an example of Alberta’s Water Act working exactly as it was intended to. “This was indeed very expensive water, so some might view that as the system not working,” Adamowicz says. “On the other hand, others might say that the high price recognizes water scarcity, and the value of water, so it worked quite well. It did exactly what the Water Act was designed to do: move water from one user to another between two parties willing to make the trade.”

As I drive south from Balzac and skirt the eastern edge of Calgary via 84 St. SE, evidence of the region’s relentless development is inescapable. Small wood-frame bungalows and farm sheds populate fertile fields on the east side of the two-lane road, while across the tenuous boundary lies a nearly continuous construction zone of bulldozers, dump trucks and sprouting highway bypasses. 

I’m relieved to reach Okotoks, nestled in the bosom of the lush, tree-lined Sheep River valley, just 30 km south of Calgary. Since 1998, when it formally established a population limit of 30,000 based on the available water supply, Okotoks has been seen by many as the embodiment of a water-conscious community. With supply from the Sheep River sufficient for only two more years’ growth, the town has instituted a two-day-per-week watering schedule with fines for non-compliance, a conservation rebate and a graduated price for domestic water use. The result, Mayor Bill Robertson proudly boasts, is the lowest per capita residential water use in the province and one of the lowest in the country. 

But it wasn’t easy getting here. In 2010 the town asked for permission to withdraw three times more water from the Sheep than was allowed by its two water licences. The government said no. Alberta Environment did, however, permit Okotoks to purchase two existing licences, one from an oil and gas company and one from a private landowner, which added an extra 245,340 m3 of water to the town’s supply. 

At a local watering hole, Okotoks municipal manager Richard Quail tells me about the town’s challenges. “As one very small player in a ‘market’ that hardly exists from a consumer awareness or commodity availability/valuation perspective, it’s very difficult to find interested parties prepared to separate water allocation from land ownership—they inherently blend into property rights for most,” Quail says. “The government must take a leadership role in educating water rights holders and promote and reward water conservation and efficiency.”

I contact Joe Obad, associate director for Water Matters, a water policy think tank, at his Calgary office to ask why so few Albertans are aware of the province’s existing water market. This lack of awareness, he replies, is itself a shortcoming of the system. Another is that the government can only legally cancel an entire water licence; it can’t cancel only the unused portion. In some basins, he tells me—particularly in Alberta’s south—more water is already allocated to licences than is flowing. If all licensees used all of their water allocations in a given year (admittedly an unlikely scenario), the river could wither to a trickle.

A promise in 2008 by Environment Minister Rob Renner to review the system has had a chilling effect across the southern half of the province, with few licence transfers since. While this might appear, on the surface, to be a positive development, the situation has prompted applications that push the boundaries in “creative”—and sometimes questionable—ways. 

In 2007 the Eastern Irrigation District (EID), the largest consumer on the Bow River, proposed to amend two of its water licences to allow it to provide water for purposes other than irrigation, including commercial, industrial and recreational uses. Historically the EID has only used, on average, 76 per cent of its licensed allocation, and in the past three years just 48 per cent. Concern about the Bow River’s declining health led Alberta Environment to put the EID’s request on hold and squelched similar applications. But now, Alberta Environment is conducting a review—and it’s strictly internal. Such a critical issue, insists Obad, demands to be subject to public scrutiny and comment. 

“Irrigation districts are applying for changes of purpose that would allow them to be direct suppliers, side-skirting the checks and balances of the transfer system,” Obad says. “Okotoks applied for ‘net diversion,’ attempting, in effect, to triple the amount of the licences in the transfer, and Calgary and Edmonton have both revised their licences to make use of return flow [water that goes back into the basin from which it was withdrawn]. All of these changes amount to policy direction by ‘bold proposal’ rather than by government—so the delay in revisiting the system has real costs.” 

Meanwhile, the Calgary Regional Partnership, which coordinates the municipal planning of 15 communities, is exploring other ways to alleviate potential water shortages. At one of Okotoks’s public awareness symposiums, I joined about 80 concerned residents who listened as Dr. Henry Vaux, professor emeritus of resource economics at the University of California Berkeley, warned against any plans that involve piping water between regions. 

“One who would seek to import water from other areas faces not one but two shotgun weddings,” Vaux said. “One marriage is to the price of energy required to deliver that water, and the other wedding is to the population and characteristics of the place of origin. Its concerns become your concerns. I don’t know of any water importation marriages that are happy marriages, and divorce isn’t allowed.”

Instead, a well-designed water market could benefit an entire region, he said. In California, for example, water transferred between regions could generate $120-million per year, mostly from transfers of agricultural water to urban uses. “Water brokers” would stand to benefit too. One such local outfit, Water Transfer Alberta, has already set up a website offering expertise in wading through the system by matching buyers to sellers. 

Last spring, business leaders and water managers in Edmonton and Calgary attended presentations hosted by the Alberta Water Research Institute (AWRI), which funds research in support of “Water for Life” (and whose corporate home was shifted in April from Alberta Ingenuity to Alberta Innovates–Energy and Environment Solutions, the same agency that oversees oil sands research). One presentation featured Nestlé’s South American chair, Peter Brabeck-Letmathe, as keynote. The talks, says AWRI executive director David Hill, focused on the emerging global issue of water’s role in food production, and the importance of water to agribusiness. 

 “We’re actively dealing with the government of Alberta to think about a water exchange,” Brabeck-Letmathe told media shortly after the talks, suggesting that the province has to address growing competition for water between agribusiness and the oil industry. News of Alberta’s “active” pursuit of such a market caught many Albertans off guard and water was suddenly in headlines across the province. During question period in the legislature, Renner told opposition MLAs to bottle their “conspiracy theories” since “Alberta’s water is not for sale.”

A 2010 review of Alberta’s water allocation system, prepared for the AWRI, outlines five key conditions for the efficient operation of a water market: many buyers and sellers; transparent price information, accurate metering, public reporting of quantities consumed and diverted and established eligibility requirements that apply to all participants; well-defined property rights; low risks associated with transactions; and no adverse impacts to third parties—including the natural environment.

Water license holders don’t own the resource; water, under provincial authority, belongs to everyone. Yet they’re able to sell access to it.

“A well-designed market will have a number of advantages, including allocating water to its highest-value uses, finding water for new companies or municipalities and encouraging conservation,” says the U of A’s Adamowicz. “If the market isn’t well designed, problems could arise. There could be environmental impacts, third-party effects and high transaction costs, among others.”

Another review prepared for the AWRI and co-authored by Adamowicz, however, shows that the South Saskatchewan River basin water market is limited in its ability to function efficiently. This is due to the incomplete specification of rights, the large numbers of senior licences held by a powerful few, a lack of standardized criteria for evaluating trades and the inability to make annual or seasonal transfers.

The holes in Alberta’s current water-use framework don’t end there. First Nations are treated the same as all Albertans, with no specific references in the legislation. Asking First Nations to apply for licences to withdraw water doesn’t recognize their due rights, says Merrell-Ann Phare, executive director and legal counsel for the Centre for Indigenous Environmental Resources. “Even if [it’s] accepted that a licence is required by a First Nation seeking to use water, this regulation puts the First Nation licence after all the other licences. This is unfair; if prior allocation thinking were consistently applied, First Nations would be first on the list. First Nations water rights aren’t protected by these regulations—in fact, they’re denied by them.”

By creating a system in which water licences can be traded, and in taking steps to facilitate more trades, Alberta’s government has been proactive, says Obad. “When the government closed the South Saskatchewan River basin in 2006, it responded to ecosystem health, recognizing that it couldn’t give out water that didn’t exist,” he says. But the job isn’t finished. “From an ecosystem perspective, the greatest challenge is that the government lacks the will to set meaningful flow objectives and claw back or buy back licences. 

“A limited water market has not done damage, really,” he adds. “[But] there’s a continuum between complete government command and control and a truly free market. We sit on that spectrum currently, and with tweaks in the rules [our place] will shift.”

At an International Association of Hydrological Sciences conference in Canmore last spring, I listened as Rob Renner was queried by University of Nevada professor Doug Boyle. Citing an Alberta Environment presentation the previous evening, Boyle questioned how in the past, in times of drought, southern Alberta licence holders had voluntarily shared their water allocations. 

“It sounds like volunteer government,” Boyle said. “I can’t   imagine that happening where I’m from.” Oblivious to the general bemusement of the many international delegates who had the previous evening been baffled by the seeming naïveté of such an approach, Renner replied that Alberta’s efforts to augment FITFIR hit a snag when they began considering changes on a regional basis. “That drew the ire of a very vocal group who claimed we were not respecting the rights of landowners to manage their own property,” Renner said. 

Since then, he explained, the government has decided to focus first on changing the Alberta Land Stewardship Act. When pressed further, Renner elaborated: “We have provisions in place to force [water] sharing if necessary,” he said. “But wouldn’t you just rather work things out with your neighbours than be told what to do? We have a far better system in place than many places in the world. Whether we put changes in place in one, two or three years is not important.”

Sandford disagrees. The flaws and shortcomings of Alberta’s water market need to be addressed now, he says, before the floodgates open. “The real problem is that we lack a set of principles: laws, policies and guidelines—in essence an ethical framework—that stop us from chipping away at natural systems until there’s nothing left of their life-sustaining functions, which the marketplace fails to value adequately, if they’re valued at all,” Sandford says. “Will developing water markets by accidental and not-so-accidental reforms get us where we want to go? This is not how public policy should be developed. I don’t think nearly enough thought has been given to such an important issue.”

He argues that every day the provincial government delays the establishment of clearly defined rules, the door remains open for those who would take advantage of weaknesses to fill their own cups. “Our current system entrusts a public wealth into the private hands of self-interested parties who will try hard to skinny out of these conditions with the promise they’ll get to all these things after a market is created,” he cautions. “If that’s allowed to happen, then it’s all over. Your children will have to live with the mismanagement of their water.”

Preferring the real thing to the Bass Pro Shops’s “bringing the outdoors indoors” approach, I settle into a favourite thinking spot on the bank of the Bow River in Canmore, away from the town’s hundreds of rarely inhabited oversized “weekend homes.”

We use water to manufacture plastic lawn flamingos, but we need water to grow food. We use water to clean our cars—and to manufacture and propel them—but we need water to maintain the ecosystem’s ability to provide freshwater. Water is not a commodity like wheat or oil, or a resource to be recklessly exploited, or a dumping ground for the by-products of our comfortable lifestyle. Rather than employing technology to “purify” it, we must embrace an ethic of not polluting it in the first place—and not wasting it.

Water is the crucial stuff of life for every living organism. We’d better know exactly what we’re doing before we start trading it for something as ephemeral as cash.#

Canmore’s Lynn Martel has written for local and national magazines and newspapers and is the author of two outdoors books.

Feb 252019
 

by Jim Satney

The Arizona The House Health and Human Services Committee approved three contentious vaccine-related House Bills. Each of the bills loosens government authority over parental immunization matters. Critics believe the measures may lower vaccination density in the state. Republicans and Democrats split the vote, with Republicans mostly siding with approval.

The first measure of importance, House Bill 2470, allows parents to opt their children out of vaccines without having to sign a state health department form. Committee chairwoman Rep. Nancy Barto, R-Phoenix, who supports and sponsors all three bills, says this measure is about protecting parents from government coercion.

“When a parent only has a government statement that they have to sign in order to qualify for an exemption that they don’t agree with, that is coercion. This allows them to either sign that or make their own statement,” said committee chairwoman Rep. Nancy Barto, R-Phoenix, who sponsored all three bills. “We are talking about a policy decision now for parents and we should attribute the best expectations on parents, not the worst.”

The second measure, House Bill 2472, applies directly to doctors. According to the bill, doctors will need to offer parents an “antibody titer” blood test for their children. The blood test is used to determine if the child needs the vaccine.

The third bill, House Bill 2471, is an informed consent bill that gives parents information regarding vaccine ingredients. Additionally, it explains the vaccine court process, in the event, a vaccine injury occurs.

Doctors are accusing those in favor of the bills of encouraging vaccine skepticism. AZCentral.com quoted several physicians critical the bill.

“Do we want the next outbreak news story to be in Arizona?” Dr. Steven R. Brown, a family physician in central Phoenix, asked the committee. “As a family physician who cares for the health of our citizens and especially our children, I am disheartened and frightened that this is up for debate. … Nobody is here to tell the stories of people who are alive and not disabled by vaccine-preventable illness.”

But proponents of parental rights continue to become more brash with their sentiments. Recently, a Trump aide’s wife critized the media’s coverage of measles and vaccines, calling it “fake outrage.”

But big technology companies, such as Pinterest, are growing less tolerable of vaccine skepticism. Last week, Pinterest announced it will be removing vaccine search content from its platform. Months back, Pinterest banned GreenMedInfo’s account, likely for posting vaccine skeptic content.

Vaccine Bills Are About Parental Rights

When discussing vaccine-related legislation, we often find ourselves debating vaccine safety. However, sponsors of the bills are determining vaccine safety. Instead, they are preserving parental rights.

Rep. Nancy Barto explains it perfectly when she states, “We are here to acknowledge vaccines have a place, but it’s every parent’s individual right to decide the vaccine’s place in the child’s life,” Barto told committee members.

The Arizona news likely prompts increased debate over the extent of medical rights a parent should be allowed. One thing is for certain, deeper government involvement which erodes parental rights almost certainly ends poorly.

Feb 242019
 

https://therealnews.com/stories/venezuela-us-canadian-attempted-coup-not-about-democracy-paul-jay-pt1-2

Corporate media hides that the crisis in Venezuela is a class struggle, and whatever its faults, the Bolivarian revolution is a struggle for equality and democracy

(Text is below.  But please go to the URL to view the video.  /Sandra)

NOTE:  compliments of Wikipedia.

The Bolivarian Revolution is named after Simón Bolívar, an early 19th-century Venezuelan and Latin American revolutionary leader, prominent in the Spanish American wars of independence in achieving the independence of most of northern South America from Spanish rule.

(Today)  According to Hugo Chávez and other supporters, the Bolivarian Revolution seeks to build an inter-American coalition to implement Bolivarianism, nationalism and a state-led economy.

On his 57th birthday, while announcing that he was being treated for cancer, Chávez announced that he had changed the slogan of the Bolivarian Revolution from “Motherland, socialism, or death” to “Motherland and socialism. We will live, and we will come out victorious“.[4]

Just so you know why the U.S. and other Powers of Exploitation love the words “Bolivarian”,  Hugo Chavez, Rafael Correa (former president of Ecuador). and God forbid!  SOCIALISM!   /Sandra

Story Transcript

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: Hi, I’m Jacqueline Luqman. Welcome to The Real News Network.

Are we getting the real story about Venezuela from corporate media? We’re going to talk about this today with our guest, Paul Jay, who is the Editor in Chief of The Real News Network. And we’re going to ask you some really, really pointed questions, I think, about the history of Venezuela, the role of the media, and why it matters that we’re not getting the whole story. So thanks for joining me today.

PAUL JAY: Thank you.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: What we’re hearing in corporate media about Venezuela is a very specific narrative about Nicolas Maduro being a bad guy, socialism being evil, socialism in particular being the reason the Venezuelan society is collapsing, particularly the economy. Is that the truth?

PAUL JAY: And that’s supposed to explain why socialism couldn’t work in the United States, because of what’s happening in Venezuela.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: Mhmm.

PAUL JAY: Well, over the years, right from the time of when Chavez was first elected as president, at least from 2002 on, around the coup and afterwards, there was barely a report in the corporate media in the United States that didn’t use–every time they had to write the words “Hugo Chavez,” they would have to put the words “brutal dictator” in front of it, at least “dictator” if not “brutal dictator.” And of course, the same thing goes for Maduro. Now, Chavez won election after election after election. I can’t remember, it’s eight or nine elections, monitored elections, elections which the Carter Center, Jimmy Carter’s Center which does election monitoring and observing, said were free and fair and so on.

And I actually personally was on an observer mission in an election in 2004. And I went to forty polling stations and I interviewed the opposition person in every polling station. I said, “Is this thing fair, has there been any infractions?” Forty polling stations in Caracas, every single one of the opposition observers said everything was fair and done correctly. And in fact, in that particular election, the opposition actually won. It was on a reparo vote, a vote having a referendum to recall the president, and they wound up losing the actual election to recall Chavez. But election after election. But still, it’s “dictator Hugo Chavez,” “brutal dictator.” Now, when’s the last time you saw Mohammad bin Salman, the king of Saudi Arabia, a fascist who never got elected to anything, when’s the last time you saw “dictator MBS,” “dictator Mohammad bin Salman?”

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: And we absolutely know that he not only orchestrates the murder of American journalists, but he orchestrates the murder of people in his own country.

PAUL JAY: People are getting beheaded for blog posts they don’t like. So it reeks with hypocrisy. And it becomes the standard inside corporate media and journalists start to internalize the language which the State Department hammers and hammers. Because if you don’t say “dictator Hugo Chavez,” someone’s eyebrow in your newsroom might go up and say, “Oh, you’ve got some sympathy for this?” It’s a continuation of the Cold War. It’s a continuation of the kind of scare-mongering in newsrooms after 9/11, that “you don’t come into line, you’re with the terrorists, you have some kind of agenda.” And so, the reality of Venezuela is so far from what’s been presented on corporate media.

Now, the other big distortion of corporate media’s coverage of Venezuela–now what I’m about to say applies to the United States equally, but let’s say Venezuela–is there’s a class war going on in Venezuela. The elites of Venezuela were raiding the publicly owned oil company. This is just before Chavez. They used to sell products to the public oil company ten, twenty, thirty times what the products were worth. And this is the way they soaked and siphoned off the oil revenues. And of course, the oil companies themselves, the royalties they were paid to the Venezuelan state were extremely low. The inequality was gross and vulgar and inflation was high before Chavez. All this idea of “Venezuela was the richest country in Latin America,” well maybe it was, but which Venezuelans were benefiting from being the richest country in Latin America? Well, obviously the top tier elites, because the barrios, the slums, were massive, unemployment was massive.

So without looking at the rise of Chavez, and the current situation, without looking at it as an attempt by the people’s movement to transform the situation, and they called this the Bolivarian revolution, to take on the elites, if you don’t look at it in that context, you can’t understand it. Like this idea of there’s no democracy in Venezuela and there hasn’t been, not only is it election after election, but let’s talk about what the heck is democracy? Democracy is a form of state, it’s a form of government. What is a state? What is a government? Laws and a coercive mechanism, army, police, to enforce those laws. And those laws have class content, a structure of laws that defended the elites’ ability to bilk the public oil company and maintain that kind of power. Just like you have in Baltimore, a structure of laws that maintains chronic poverty and a low wage workforce that the police enforce those laws.

This idea of democracy in the abstract, it doesn’t exist. What exists is a framework which people that can get control of the government, the section of capital that controls the government, uses that control to make money, to get richer, and to maintain their power. So Chavez represented a people’s movement that challenged that. So of course, the elites all over Latin America and the Americans and a lot of elites, including the Canadian, hated that idea. Because Latin America is supposed to be a place you can just go and plunder. Canadian oil companies can go and get gold mines and the Americans can control oil and markets and so on. So this Chavez, this Bolivarian Revolution, was a challenge to all of that. So they’ve been against it from the beginning, and clearly not because United States care about democratic rights.

Elliott Abrams has been running this Venezuelan policy back in 2002. Anyone can believe Elliott Abrams, the guy who was promoting the invasion of Iraq, who backed the vicious underground covert activities in Latin America, this guy cares about democracy? John Bolton cares about democracy? It’s beyond belief that corporate media, even as bad as they are, doesn’t see through this kind of crap. So the content of the Bolivarian Revolution was a challenge to the elites. They did it within the electoral process and using that kind of form. And I think one of the great lessons of the Venezuelan revolution is that the people’s movement can use these elections, you can win these elections. Chavez came to power with an election, won all these elections very fairly. The problems, the internal problems of Venezuela, the weaknesses of the revolution are there, and how they dealt with the economy, the way some of the reforms were implemented. But revolutions are messy things. And nobody had some grand scheme of a perfect scenario about how to challenge the elites, how to transform the Venezuelan politics and economy. They had to kind of make it up as they went along. When you actually look at the measures that Chavez was proposing in terms of healthcare, education and so on.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: Education, housing.

PAUL JAY: Yeah. These are reforms that you would find in any kind of country with a kind of social democratic government. I don’t know of anything that Chavez proposed that was much different than you might find in Scandinavia or something.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: So there was nothing that Chavez proposed that would have been so extreme that would have shocked the conscience of a nation, which is the narrative that we’re getting now about Maduro and how socialism in Venezuela is this big evil thing. But you’re saying it really wasn’t anything extreme, as in, let’s say, eliminating the free market.

PAUL JAY: Well, I would argue maybe they should have gone further.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: Really?

PAUL JAY: Yeah. I think that Chavez allowed the elites in Venezuela, in some ways, to maintain maybe too much of their power. The idea that there was no free media is B.S. I’ve been down there many times, and newspapers were very anti-Chavez, television channels were very anti-Chavez. And they were allowed. I’m not saying they should have been suppressed. If you’re going to have this kind of democratic forum, you need to play by those rules.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: But there was a press and there was the allowing of opposition in the public.

PAUL JAY: Still is, still is. I think you ought to separate this thing into kind of buckets or categories. One, you need to understand that this Bolivarian Revolution, Chavez and then Maduro, it arose out of a process of the People’s Movement confronting the elites to have a more equal distribution of the wealth from the oil revenues and to create more democratic forums, people’s councils, all kinds of grassroots democracy was being developed. So that’s one thing. Second thing is, from very early on, including an overt coup in 2002 backed by the U.S. with Elliott Abrams involved, an attempt to overthrow the Venezuelan government. So the external pressure, the attempt to undermine and weaken the Chavez government and the Maduro government. A constant battle they had to fight, and with very strong Venezuelan elites who had a lot of money and were quite powerful, the Venezuelan elites, in sections of the society the elites were able to get on their side. So that’s another thing.

Third thing, I think–and it’s easy to sit here and say, but they made some serious errors in how the economy was developed. The sanctions played a very powerful role in undermining the economy. On the other hand, there probably were measures that could have been taken earlier on, during the Chavez years and during this Maduro presidency, that would’ve made Venezuela more resistant to the effect of these sanctions. I mean, one of the reasons the Americans are really piling it on now is because of the weakness of the Venezuelan economy. It makes them vulnerable. And so, because they see the vulnerability, they are trying to tip the balance and see if they can’t bring the government down.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: Right. But it’s a vulnerability that the United States is–I wouldn’t say one hundred percent responsible for, but like you said, is significantly responsible for.

PAUL JAY: Significantly.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: We’ve manipulated, we’ve created a situation for our government and private sector, and those sections of capital, to manipulate at this very moment in time.

PAUL JAY: I mean, the role of the external pressure, the role of sanctions, it’s a very important factor. But if we’re going to learn the lessons, and this is especially for Venezuelans, but even for us to learn the lessons of Venezuela, we shouldn’t be afraid to discuss the weaknesses and what the problems were. But whatever the weaknesses were, any revolutionary process is going to be messy. There’s no scheme, there’s no playbook. How do you transform these kinds of modern capitalist countries, and especially one that is so dependent on oil, how do you transform that into a socialist, more progressive, a fairer society and all that? There’s no playbook for that. So as many problems as there were and are, mistakes were made, how could it be otherwise?

All that being said, from the point of view of people living in United States or Canada or other countries, our number one concern at this moment of time, is there going to be international law or not? The Venezuelan problems are Venezuelan people’s problems to sort out.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: Precisely.

PAUL JAY: I remember an interesting conversation. I used to produce this show in Canada, CounterSpin. And this is in the lead up to the Iraq War, 2003 I guess, or late 2002, and it was a debate show. And Lewis Lapham, who used to be editor of Harper’s Magazine, was a guest and we had an Iraqi who was in favor of U.S. intervention and arguing for it. And he was arguing Saddam Hussein is such a terrible dictator and so on, which he was. And Lapham says, “I’m really sorry that you’re living under a dictatorship, but that’s your problem. Our problem is we want, we need international law.” Because without international law, if the United States or any big power can simply march in any place it wants and change the government, then the world is in chaos. Then we’re back into the pre-World War II days that could lead to another world war.

So as people hear “international law matters–” now yeah, it gets violated all the time. And the Iraq War was a great violation, of which there were no consequences on Bush and such. And Obama should have prosecuted Bush and Cheney for war crimes. He did not.

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: He did not, to the great consternation of the progressive left in this country.

PAUL JAY: But that being said, we need to stand up and say, “international law,” this kind of international law against wars of aggression and interference. It came out of the lessons of World War II. It came out of the Nuremberg trials. It came out of the creation of the United Nations when people said, “We can’t have this kind of global slaughter again.” And that’s got to be our absolute, first interest. And number two, to believe that these people that can play footsie with Saudi Arabia, or frankly with Israel’s occupation of Palestine, or all kinds of similar types of reactionary governments and call them defenders of democracy somehow–

JACQUELINE LUQMAN: That’s hypocritical, and that’s putting it lightly. Actually, it’s much worse than hypocritical, it’s criminal. But what you raised about international law brought to mind the issue that we hear so much in the United States about our narrative, about how we’re not a perfect union, how we’re still learning from our mistakes. Like you said, there is no playbook, there is no manual on how to do democracy. And very often, when this country’s government makes enormous errors in the execution of our own laws, we can always find a way to excuse our less than perfect union and fall back on, “Well there’s no playbook, we’re a young country, we’re working toward a more perfect union.” But it seems that we don’t allow that very same trial and error for other governments. Instead, we go to the imperialist playbook, the capitalist playbook, the elite’s playbook.

And so, in the American media, not only is the history of the Venezuelan’s struggle for self-determination left out, but the fact that this is a class war, that this is, in Venezuela, a war between the working people taking control of their country and being at the forefront of their self-determination, and the elites. The same struggle we are having in this country. But I think we’re new to it.

Thank you so much for joining us today, for talking about the history of Venezuela, the Bolivarian Revolution, and the media’s role, corporate media and independent media’s role in telling the whole story. Paul Jay, thanks a lot.

 

Feb 232019
 
(You may want to just scroll down to the newscast at the bottom)
  • Venezuelan armed vehicles are seen at the Venezuelan-Colombian border after the staged attack by right-wing elements.
    Venezuelan armed vehicles are seen at the Venezuelan-Colombian border after the staged attack by right-wing elements. | Photo: teleSUR

teleSUR correspondent in Venezuela said Venezuelan immigration Police were securing the border point and that members of the Venezuelan army were deployed at the scene.

A group of low-level soldiers of the Venezuelan National Guard Saturday took over multiple armored vehicles that belong to the Venezuelan force and rammed into border barriers at the Venezuelan-Colombian border in a staged operation ordered by right-wing opposition members in Colombia.

According to teleSUR reporters at the scene, armored vehicles of the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB) rammed into the Venezuelan security barrier installed in the Simon Bolivar international bridge and then three attackers fled to Colombia where they were received by two leaders of the Venezuelan far right.

teleSUR correspondent in Venezuela Madeleine García said that Venezuelan immigration Police were securing the border point and that members of the Venezuelan army were deployed at the scene. “Three soldiers were moved to Colombian territory, but not all the armed forces of Venezuela.”

Garcia said that at least one member of the border security force was injured in the staged attack as well as a Chilean photographer who was at the scene.

The incident comes as the right-wing opposition attempts to illegally enter so-called humanitarian aid provided by the United States into Venezuelan territories.

Images circulated Saturday on the social networks of Colombian military officers accompanied by U.S. military personnel who were on the border of Colombia under the Las Tienditas bridge crossing the border. Images of several drones were also captured flying over the Colombian side of the Las Tienditas bridge.

The Venezuelan administration closed the passage completely and temporarily on the Simón Bolívar, Unión and Santander bridges, alleging “serious and illegal threats attempted by the Government of Colombia against the peace and sovereignty of Venezuela.”

Local authorities at the state of Táchira denounced that the government of President Duque is trying to damage peace in Venezuela by complying with the orders given by U.S. President  Donald Trump. “Duque is trying to damage the peace of Venezuela and is attacking” a sister nation, despite this “we are still here calmly and peacefully,” he said.

He pointed out that the majority of Venezuelan officials are firm in defending the country and will not surrender to subordinated empires or government.

After the incident, Venezuelan citizens arrived at the Simón Bolívar bridge with slogans and posters in favor of peace and in support of the government of President Nicolas Maduro.

 

Feb 232019
 

From “Unsolved Mysteries”, a sub-group on Reddit:

Where did Arjen Kamphuis go?

Arjen Kamphuis is (was?) a dutch cyber-security expert who visited Bodø in Norway, where he was last seen August 20th this year. He told friends he was going to travel south to Trondheim and travel back to Amsterdam the 22nd of August. He has not been seen since. The police found his ID papers and some of his belongings in the sea outside Bodø a few days after. Two weeks after his disappearance the Police got a hit from his cellphone, which had both been shut off since his disappearance. They were active for a few minutes with new German SIM-cards inserted before they were again shut off. This was in the south-west in Norway, outside a small place called Vikeså. And that was the last trace of Arjen. This situation is so very strange and I wondered if any of the contributors of this sub knew more?

WHAT ARE YOUR THOUGHTS, as at Feb 23, 2019 :

norpal

2 months ago

It is strange that a cyber-security expert would turn his phones on and be discovered, if he wanted to disappear. A witness has reported he saw Arjen with two other people in Vikeså, one small who only spoke German, and one as large as Arjen who spoke both languages, as Arjen also did.

 

2 months ago

The place his phone was turned on is kind of along a road he would travel if he was hitchhiking South out of Norway towards Denmark/Sweden.

 

(He had a plane ticket booked out of Trondheim city further North, but he never turned up to that flight.)

 

Someone turned on his phone with a Dutch SIM card and a few minutes later switched to a German SIM card.

 

Both cards had been bought in his name, and whoever turned on the phone knew the codes to unlock phone and cards.

 

He turned on his phone here:

 

Vikeså 4389 Vikeså       https://goo.gl/maps/QQDKfo3rqTE2

There is a ferry to Denmark out of the city Kristiansand a litle South-East. That’s a normal route to continental Europe.

 

2 months ago

 

I drive from Stavanger to Kristiansand several times a year, and I do not think I have seen anyone hitchhiking this road. It is not very common in Norway anymore. And his face was in all the news and newspapers, so if someone picked him up, I think they would have gone to the police with the information. Or maybe he hitchhiked with a foreigner, who would not be subjected to Norwegian media, as the annual oil conference was held in Stavanger with lots of foreigners.

 

2 months ago

 

He had lost his ID papers, and he would need them to fly. However, I’m sure the Dutch embassy could work out something for him. And there would be low-cost airline tickets to the continent all the time.

 

Hitchhiking would not be first choice.

 

2 months ago

 

His ID papers were found around here:    Fauske/Rognan    https://goo.gl/maps/Wen1GAQXmz82

 

2 months ago

 

either NSA wanted him to disappear or he vanished himself

Feb 222019
 

 

Special Update: GM Salmon

Genetically modified (GM or genetically engineered) Atlantic salmon is being sold in Canada, unlabelled. It is currently produced in small numbers in Panama but could soon be produced in Canada.

The Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA) says it will not investigate our complaint alleging misleading advertising. The complaint focuses on prominent assertions made by the GM fish company AquaBounty on its homepage. The CFIA told CBAN, “As Aqua Bounty’s home page www.aquabounty.com is not based in Canada, it does not fall under CFIA jurisdiction.”

Yet the federal government has provided millions in grants and loans to this same company. The government has given over $8 million in various grants and loans to AquaBounty, to support the development of the GM salmon. This includes a funding agreement that stipulates 10% of product sales will go to the government as royalty payments.

AquaBounty now says that the GM salmon is not the product subject to the royalty agreement. However, the federal government Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency has told CBAN that it will not disclose which AquaBounty product sales will provide the government with 10% royalties.

Most recently, the Minister of Environment and Climate Change Canada is preparing to respond to AquaBounty’s request to start producing GM salmon in PEI. A decision is expected any day. If the Minister approves production in Canada, more GM salmon will be sold unlabelled to Canadians.

And all this time, Canadians are eating GM salmon unlabelled in grocery stores and restaurants or other venues.

Take action here.

Find out How to Avoid Eating GM Salmon.

CBAN and our Quebec member group Vigiliance OGM continue to investigate imports of GM salmon:

GM salmon is grown and packaged in Panama for shipping to Canada. This photo shows the box labelled “Panama Exporta” (Export of Panama) with the fillets. Screenshot from a video about AquaBounty’s Panama facility. Boxes of GM salmon in transit from AquaBounty in Panama, to Canada. (The white spaces show where information was redacted.)
Photo from Access to Information documents.
Boxes of frozen GM salmon fillets in transit from AquaBounty in Panama, to Canada.
Photo from Access to Information documents.
The CFIA inspects and releases the GM salmon that is shipped from Panama to Canada.
Photo from Access to Information documents.

For full updates and background details see www.cban.ca/fish.

CBAN is investigating GM salmon sales and production, and monitoring the company AquaBounty. Help us continue monitoring and sharing information. Donate today.

Lucy Sharratt, Coordinator

coordinator   @     cban.ca

www.cban.ca

Why don’t we have mandatory labelling in Canada? Read about it in our GMO Inquiry report, “Are GM crops better for consumers?”

 

The Canadian Biotechnology Action Network (CBAN) brings together 16 organizations to research, monitor and raise awareness about issues relating to genetic engineering in food and farming. CBAN members include farmer associations, environmental and social justice organizations, and regional coalitions of grassroots groups. CBAN is a project on Tides Canada’s shared platform.

Canadian Biotechnology Action Network (CBAN) 

PO Box 25182, Clayton Park, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada, B3T 1X8

Phone: 902 209 4906   www.cban.ca

Feb 212019
 
  • The President of Venezuela Nicolas Maduro received Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and Grenedines Ralph Gonsalves, Sep. 17, 2016

The President of Venezuela Nicolas Maduro received Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and Grenedines Ralph Gonsalves, Sep. 17, 2016 | Photo: EFE

Dr. Hon. Gonsalves, the prime minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines spoke out against the U.S. sanctions and the interventionist efforts in Venezuela.

 

(INSERT:  FYI.  St Vincent and the Grenadines is a constitutional monarchy and representative democracy with Queen Elizabeth II as head of state, represented by a governor-general.

I checked out the background on Prime Minister Dr. Gonsalves – – he is an accomplished person. Credible.  Dianne (in Florida) had questions about what she was hearing in the U.S. about Venezuela.  Led to in-depth research.  Her conclusions support what Gonsalves is saying.

American history in the region and elsewhere is consistent with what Gonsalves is saying.

I searched my blog on “Venezuela”, and came up with a surprising number of postings.   This about Ecuador best summarizes them – – the same curse:

Ecuador’s Ailment:   Ecuador suffers from an abundance of natural resources that The Corporations want.    It always kills me – – if you want to see how much at risk a nation is for U.S. Interference,  you have only to go to the CIA website:

Definition: This entry lists a country’s mineral, petroleum, hydropower, and other resources of commercial importance, such as rare earth elements (REEs).  In general, products appear only if they make a significant contribution to the economy (INSERT:  doesn’t say for whose economy), or are likely to do so in the future.

Natural resources (Ecuador): petroleum, fish, timber, hydropower

(INSERT:   hydropower means “water”, and also, there is an abundance of minerals in Ecuador – – mining company interests.   “Petroleum” interests are always synonymous with the poisoning and destruction of healthy water supplies.  In Ecuador’s case,  rain forest destruction is also a source of local resistance.)

See Also

In the case of Venezuela, you will find lots.
– – – – – – – – –

The economic sanctions by the U.S. against Venezuela, and other charges of intervention and propaganda to unseat a duly-elected leader are legitimate, I believe. 

I am chagrined that Canada is dancing to the American puppet-master.

 

BACK TO THE NEWS ARTICLE, WHAT DR. GONSALVES HAD TO SAY:

Dr. The Honorable Ralph Everard Gonsalves, Prime Minister of the Caribbean country of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, called a local radio station after a journalist from the country reported on-the-ground realities from Venezuela’s capital Caracas.

Journalists from six Caribbean countries including Saint Vincent, Saint Lucia, Antigua, Barbados, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and Trinidad visited Venezuela to give a ground report about the current situation in the Bolivarian Republic.

After the report by a Saint Vincent journalist, the Prime Minister of the country called the radio station and commented on the situation in Venezuela.

 

Facts Refuting Claims of ‘Humanitarian Crisis’ in Venezuela

 

His comments denounced the interventionist attitude of the United States in a country where free and fair elections were held.

“You know, we had a Carribean electoral mission on May the 20th, a few days before the election and then on the election day, and they declared the election to be free and fair,” said PM Gonsalves, adding that the people reflected their wills by electing Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro.

He also criticized the U.S.’ insistence that Venezuelan elections were unfair, a slur which is often used to justify the country’s constant attempts at undermining the sovereignty of the South American country.

“I just wanted to make the point that for the Venezuelan government, the money which they have in the United States, money which had been frozen amounts to 11 billion US dollars, that is the money which you can buy food and medicines with,” said the prime minister of the U.S.-sanctioned PDVSA, the Venezuelan state oil company.

And then the U.S. takes “a few hundred thousand dollars worth of food and have it by the border at Columbia and say that they want to help the people of Venezuela” despite the fact that they are “committing economic warfare against them by these sanctions which are crippling the economy,” was the opinion of the PM Gonsalves.

He also mentioned that a United Nations special rapporteur was in Venezuela for 21 years who said that the countries forcing the sanction are putting Venezuela under siege.

“I know what they’re doing should be investigated as a possible war crime. I mean, it’s terrible what they’re doing to the country because of political or ideological reasons. This is the 21st century. We have to act differently,” concluded the Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.

The British singer Roger Waters calls on people to not fall into the trap of U.S. intervention against Venezuela.
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The British singer Roger Waters calls on people to not fall into the trap of U.S. intervention against Venezuela.